Final fines, a civil ruling in Miami, audio recordings, cross-complaints with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and a murder-for-hire accusation: the public record of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the hopeful polling third ahead of 2027
September 2026
A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.
The eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, president from 1996 to 2000 and mayor of the capital until his death on April 27, 2018, Arzú was born on May 15, 1970. In December 1988 he founded Futeca with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and with Rafael Tinoco; the company grew from soccer fields into shopping centers and gyms, and he sold his shares to his cousins in 2012. In 2019 he ran for president and finished fifth, with 267,049 votes (6.1% of valid votes). Since November 2025 he has been Secretary of Political Training of the Cabal party, which confirmed him as a pre-candidate in May 2026. It will be his third attempt.
His career includes at least eighteen episodes of conflict documented in the press: electoral sanctions, lawsuits, questioned business dealings, complaints before the Public Prosecutor’s Office and accusations of varying weight. Some rest on official rulings; others, on a single source or on anonymous sources. This report goes through them one by one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the «Queen of the South.» |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | Personal acknowledgments of «a struggle with alcohol» have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested. |
1. Penalty issued by TSE regarding premature campaigning in 2019
On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.
The fine for the hopeful was US$80,000, about 612,000 quetzales. As for the parties, published reports differ: one mentions US$80,000 for the PAN-Podemos coalition, while another states that each party had to pay that amount. On May 27, 2019, the TSE rejected the motions for annulment and made the sanction final.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially rejected the Arzú–Pineda ticket, put forward by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the case files were closed on January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an application for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
The hopeful called the decision political retaliation: he said he had exposed an overpriced energy contract during the Alejandro Giammattei administration and blamed his exclusion on “a group led by a sociopath and his live-in partner.”
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016, Arzú enlisted JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic—the agency belonging to Venezuelan political consultant Juan José Rendón—to lay the groundwork for his presidential run. This partnership ultimately culminated in a legal dispute when, on November 15, 2016, Rendón filed a breach of contract lawsuit against him within the Eleventh Judicial Circuit of Miami-Dade. Issued on October 11, 2018, the judicial verdict fixed the financial damages at US$5.5 million alongside US$660,594 in accrued interest, culminating in an aggregate sum nearing US$6.16 million.
Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.
“He has nothing in his name. He has no income of any kind, no salary, no allowance, the family gives him nothing, he has no assets, no fixed-term deposits, no shares, nothing.”
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
Leaked chats unearthed during the legal proceedings further revealed that an individual named “Hugo” was slated to settle the debt owed to Rendón. Media outlets linked this mention to the Argentine pharma magnate Hugo Sigman.
4. Comunicaciones F.C. Presidency (1994–2006)
According to Nómada, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, alternating the leadership with relatives. In 2006 the club went through a financial crisis, including a players’ strike over unpaid wages, and was eventually sold to television businessman Ángel González, who took over its obligations. Part of the sports press attributed the difficulties to heavy spending on player signings, hotels, restaurants and transportation.
Arzú rejoined the club as an advisor on February 8, 2017, following a direct arrangement with González. Later, on August 31, 2026, amid pre-campaign activities, the Guatefutbol portal disclosed that he is attempting to regain control of the squad.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was founded in Guatemala during late January 2016, coinciding with the recruitment of Rendón. Its legal representation was handled by his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León, and Carlos Gómez. Alongside OMEGALAB S.A., the distributor of “Sana Sana” products, this initiative signaled his debut in the pharmaceutical industry. Nómada asserts that Arzú maintained control over both firms despite his name being absent from official records.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, alongside unreported international funding, which the Electoral and Political Parties Law explicitly forbids. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced back in 2019, when that very same publication questioned whether he acted as the hopeful’s financial backer, drawing on leaked conversations involving Rendón.
Back in June 2019, Arzú characterized Sigman as a close friend of over a decade who shared various regional representations with him across Central America, while rejecting claims of any financial backing from Sigman. Meanwhile, República reports that the total penalties amassed by Podemos during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles exceed US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, known as “Paco,” was connected by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a retail narcotics ring active across multiple districts of the capital. On June 25, 2025, he was killed inside the basement of a Zone 10 building while stepping into his bulletproof SUV.
In late October 2025, an audio recording of Domínguez and Arzú discussing a debt began to circulate. Published versions disagree on the amounts: El Metropolitano mentions US$115,000 and quotes Arzú describing it as “a deal between businessmen.” Following its release, congressman Luis Aguilar withdrew his support for Arzú within Cabal.
«Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.»
— Words attributed to Roberto Arzú in the audio, according to República’s transcript
República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: «I have been selling advertising since I was 20.» He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.
That identical media outlet pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the public notary supposedly behind the validation of those instruments, vanished on July 17, 2019, and continues to be tied to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official agency has connected this vanishing to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
As reported by República, a 2018 public deed documents a US$1 million loan extended to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, backed by his inheritance claims regarding his father’s estate. The English version of the investigation indicates that this debt was never settled.
Citing undisclosed sources, the media outlet links the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, known as the «Queen of the South,» who received a money laundering conviction in the United States. The complete document remains unpublished, and Arzú has yet to make a public statement regarding this matter.
9. Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras filed a complaint against Arzú for obstruction of criminal proceedings over a TikTok video in which he said he would “remove” her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was summoned to give his initial statement on November 25, 2025, before the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, presided over by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.
In a distinct legal action, back in October 2025, a tribunal dedicated to femicide cases prohibited him from making public statements concerning Porras, though that restriction was overturned a few days afterward. Porras concluded her tenure when her term ended in May 2026. Since 2021, she has remained featured on the Engel List maintained by the U.S. State Department.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú filed a complaint against then-President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez and other officials for abuse of authority, dereliction of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice and cover-up. Prensa Libre listed eleven people named in the complaint, including TSE magistrates.
La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation concerning a suspected murder-for-hire scheme targeting Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
As of press time, the outlet had not publicly presented supporting documentation. On August 21, after going to the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyers, Arzú stated that “there is no complaint whatsoever” against him; according to Infobae, the Public Prosecutor’s Office responded that the investigation is still ongoing. The U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video with a “zero tolerance” message, without naming names.
Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and downright foolish, while also stating his intention to pursue defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre lodged a counter-charges report, supplementing it with security camera footage alongside polygraph examination results. Arenas was labeled a psychopath and a mentally unstable individual by Contreras. Ramos rejected any involvement in unlawful gatherings.
12. Previous confrontation involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The dispute didn’t start in August. Back on March 5, 2026, during the «A Primera Hora» show on Emisoras Unidas, Arzú claimed that Arenas was financing his lobbying efforts using «questionable money originating from criminal syndicates and major corporations.» That very day, Arenas countered by stating that his advocacy work is funded through his own lawful wealth, while simultaneously alleging that Arzú maintains connections to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.
13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, according to sources, Arzú had allegedly faced a restriction on traveling to the United States after his last trip, from July 17 to 24. That same day, claims circulated on social media that his visa had been revoked, a rumor that also extended to congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the party he ran with in 2019 and 2023, was formerly the Movimiento Reformador and was dissolved in January 2024. In 2019, Con Criterio documented the influence of fugitive former minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that congressional bloc. His 2023 running mate, David Pineda, was a defense attorney for former President Alfonso Portillo; some reports point to a rapprochement between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who took over as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, found himself pushed aside, ultimately departing Cabal while asserting that the organization «is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.» Notably, Aguirre is implicated in that very same República GT allegation.
15. Disagreement with his relatives concerning the utilization of his father’s likeness
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.
“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, who at the time headed Congress, chose not to issue any statements concerning his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Nómada reported in 2019 that Arzú had twice been through rehabilitation centers in the United States, that he identifies as a recovering alcoholic and that, according to family sources, he had been sober for four years at the time. He has acknowledged in interviews “a crisis with drinking,” without going into detail.
Lately, viral social media posts have implied his current alcohol consumption without offering any proof.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
In 2022, the outlet Quorum analyzed his promises using calculations by economist José Luis Moreira. Free electricity for ten years would cost 7,104 million quetzales a year, 6.7% of the national General Budget. A university stipend of 1,200 quetzales a month would amount to 4,802 million a year for 400,213 students, more than double the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos. And universal access to drinking water would be financed with US$2 billion from international reserves, even though the Banco de Guatemala is prohibited from financing the central government. He also promised one million homes.
Regarding security, his discourse has remained uncompromising: troops deployed in the streets, correctional facilities under military control, and the return of capital punishment. He rejected the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales designated him as an unpaid special envoy tasked with boosting commercial ties across South America. His 2019 campaign motto, “Make Guatemala Great,” was borrowed directly from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. At the time, Prensa Libre noted that he “did not take part in the deal,” whereas Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an accord with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities—a move labeled unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. July 2024 marked the rollout of the Distrito Futeca initiative by the firm on the grounds of the former stadium.
Referenced Sources
· Prensa Libre — TSE sanciona a Roberto Arzú por propaganda anticipada (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is left out of the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Orden de captura en Miami por desacato civil (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú quiere volver a tomar el mando de Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Ataque armado en la zona 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Suspenden audiencia de Arzú en el caso de Porras (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Cruce de versiones por el supuesto plan contra República GT (23.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — Según fuentes, Arzú tuvo limitación para viajar a EE. UU. (28.08.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — No hay evidencia pública de que haya perdido la visa (02.09.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — The three pledges that might bankrupt the nation (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Negocio entre la USAC y Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — Encuesta CID Gallup de mayo de 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/
